"Decision by the Two Leaders and Set of Principles"

Decision by the two leaders


The Technical Committees on issues that affect the day to day life of people will commence by the end of July provided that, at the same time, the two Leaders will also have exchanged a list of issues of substance and its contents to be studied by expert bi-communal working groups and
finalized by the Leaders.

The two Leaders will meet further, from time to time as appropriate, to give directions to the expert bi-communal working groups as well as to review the work of the Technical Committees.

Set of Principles


1.      Commitment to the unification of Cyprus based on a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation and political equality, as set out in the relevant Security Council resolutions.

2.      Recognition of the fact that the status quo is unacceptable and that its prolongation would have negative consequences for the Turkish and Greek Cypriots.


3.      Commitment to the proposition that a comprehensive settlement is both desirable and possible, and should not be further delayed.

4.      Agreement to begin a process immediately, involving bi-communal discussion of issues that affect the day to day life of the people and concurrently those that concern substantive issues, both of which will contribute to a comprehensive settlement.

5.      Commitment to ensure that the ?right atmosphere? prevails for this process to be successful. In that connection, confidence building measures are essential, both in terms of improving the atmosphere and improving the life of all Turkish and Greek Cypriots. Also in that connection, an end must be put to the so-called ?blame game?.

Two sides agree to future talks following meetings with UN official

UN NEWS CENTER- 9 July 2006 – Leaders of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities have committed to proceed by end of July with technical talks on issues affecting the day-to-day life of people on both sides, and have agreed on broader principles concerning the need to seek a comprehensive settlement, a senior United Nations official who brought them together on the island has announced.

After face-to-face talks held Saturday in Nicosia with Greek Cypriot leader H.E. Tassos Papadopoulos and Turkish Cypriot leader H.E. Mehmet Ali Talat, UN Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari read out a text comprising a “set of principles” and a “decision by the two leaders” which outline next steps in the diplomatic effort to resolve the decades-old inter-communal conflict on the Mediterranean island.

The Set of Principles includes commitment to the unification of Cyprus based on a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation and political equality, as set out in Security Council resolutions.

The UN has been involved in the island since March 1964 when the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) was set up to prevent a recurrence of fighting, contribute to the maintenance and restoration of law and order, and contribute to a return to normal conditions. The mission still maintains a buffer zone and supervises ceasefire lines on the island.

In the statement read by Mr. Gambari, the sides recognized that “the status quo is unacceptable and that its prolongation would have negative consequences for the Turkish and Greek Cypriots.” A comprehensive settlement “is both desirable and possible, and should not be further delayed.”

They agree to begin a process immediately, involving bi-communal discussion of issues that affect the day-to-day life of the people while addressing those that concern substantive issues, both of which will contribute to a comprehensive settlement.

Further, the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot sides committed to ensure that the “right atmosphere” prevails for this process to be successful. “In that connection, confidence building measures are essential, both in terms of improving the atmosphere and improving the life of all Turkish and Greek Cypriots,” the statement notes, adding that “an end must be put to the so-called 'blame game.'

The Technical Committees on issues that affect the day-to-day life of people will commence by the end of July, according to the statement, which notes that by then the two leaders should have exchanged a list of issues of substance and its contents will be studied by expert bi-communal working groups and finalized by the leaders.

“The two Leaders will meet further, from time to time as appropriate, to give directions to the expert bi-communal working groups as well as to review the work of the Technical Committees,” the statement adds.

Secretary-General Kofi Annan had led earlier talks seeking a comprehensive settlement but these failed in April 2004 when 65 per cent of Turkish Cypriots voted in favour of the plan but 76 per cent of Greek Cypriots voted against it.

(10.07.2006)

The myth of isolation?
By Jean Christou

IT?S always a shame when a word or phrase becomes so used that it loses its meaning and becomes just another political slogan.

In Cyprus, there are so many such phrases that when someone starts spouting one, the general tendency is to switch off.

One of the latest ones to crop up these days is the need to ?end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots?.

Apart from conjuring up a whole population cut off from the outside world, what does the ?isolation of the Turkish Cypriots? actually mean?
There are in fact two facets to the isolation. Turkish Cypriots are isolated economically and politically, and it is not a simple matter to separate the two.

Before the Turkish side allowed the crossing points to open in April 2003, Turkish Cypriots were to a large extent also physically isolated.

According to the Turkish Cypriots and Ankara, the isolation is being caused by the Greek Cypriots. They say the government is blocking all attempts at allowing them to trade freely with the rest of the world.

Given the government?s legalistic stance on anything to do with the north, the situation could be viewed this way.

But in fact the Greek Cypriots don?t appear to mind ending the economic isolation, as long as it has no political repercussions. In other words it does not want to end the political isolation of the ?TRNC?, and what it fears is that the Turkish side is using the economic isolation as a means to the political end. A Foreign Ministry report written in April outlining the Greek Cypriot position, said the ?isolation? slogan was misleading.
Some analysts and diplomatic observers actually agree.

?As a phrase it is overused,? said Hubert Faustman, Assistant Professor of International Relations at Intercollege. ?It?s a political and propaganda tool. The isolation is partly inflicted by themselves, and they never mention that.?

Faustmann said the Turkish Cypriots began isolating themselves in 1983 with the unilateral declaration of independence that created the ?TRNC?.
?That?s what triggered part of the isolation, but of course they keep a low profile about that. And of course the phrase as it is sued also hides the political demand for political equality,? Fostmann said.

He said the potential springboard for separation on the basis of a separate state was what was behind the ?end of the isolation?.

?This is of course what the Greek Cypriot side fears, that the Turkish Cypriots will say thanks for the end of the isolation and walk away.?
Western diplomatic sources said the Greek Cypriot side was willing to end the isolation, if it was on their terms.

?They can participate in any sporting event if they do it under the Republic of Cyprus flag. They can participate in anything and everything under the Republic of Cyprus flag. But that is totally politically unacceptable to all but a few Turkish Cypriots. It?s not a very convincing response,? said one diplomatic source.

In a way, he said, the isolation meant Turkish Cypriots were being excluded from Europe when they were de facto EU citizens, although the acquis is suspended in the north, but agreed the phrase was not something that could just be bandied about.

?The language has become highly politically charged. It?s like the Annan plan. These things get a life of their own and it?s not usually helpful. In some ways, we prefer to talk about bringing the Turkish Cypriots closer to Europe. It would be better for them to have a strong economic relationship with the EU than it would be to have them entirely dependent on Turkey,? said the source. ?Because it?s couched in terms of isolation, it makes it more difficult to have that debate.

?I?d agree that the language used is not particularly helpful unless you know the full picture.?

Political analyst James Ker-Lindsay echoed Faustmann?s view that a lot of problems in the north were self-inflicted. ?To be brutally honest, the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots is in large part the fault of the Turkish Cypriots. When Rauf Denktash declared independence, he knew the consequences. He was told not to do it and as soon as he did he forced a reaction. If he had never done that there wouldn?t be a UN resolution declaring the TRNC illegal because there would be no TRNC,? he said.
Ker-Lindsay said that although the Greek Cypriots had played a hard game in the EU and had stood in the way of a number of measures that might have helped the Turkish Cypriots, a lot of other measures that the Turkish Cypriots blame on the Greek Cypriots were a result of Security Council resolutions that prevented other states from offering recognition. ?There is no way past this,? he said.

He added the Turkish Cypriots didn?t need to be as isolated as they were, if only they were willing to compromise on certain things.

?If building up their economy is more important, they should take the trade,? he said.
Faustmann agreed, recounting a recent incident where Turkish Cypriots were to bring a consignment of potatoes for export through Limassol. However, they did not have refrigerated trucks, as required under EU rules, and the shipment would have to be picked up by Greek Cypriots trucks. They refused, and in the end the potatoes were bought by Turkey.
?You see this all the time when it comes to the export of goods from the ports, where practical solutions are required and the Turkish Cypriots still pursue their agenda of maximum autonomy rather than take advantage of the practical solutions,? he said.

?It?s a typical example of avoiding practical solutions on the Turkish Cypriot side. It?s the same old story. They are all playing the same game. They?ve been playing it for years and they?ll be playing for in years to come.?

THE government has long argued that the Turkish Cypriots? isolation is brought on by themselves. These are the main points of the government?s argument:

l Turkey has in the past prevented Turkish Cypriots from acquiring Cyprus Republic passports, identity cards and other documents, which facilitate travel and other activities in Cyprus and abroad and allow Turkish Cypriots to enjoy EU benefits and consular protection in third countries.

l Low-paid settlers from Turkey pushed Turkish Cypriots out of their own labour market causing much of their relative economic deprivation.

l Turkey introduced the Turkish lira in the occupied areas in 1983, causing high inflation and other serious economic and social problems and exposed Turkish Cypriots to the problems of the Turkish economy.
l Turkey has controlled the economy of the north through conditional aid, direct instructions and management, creating an inefficient system.
l Turkey has since 1980 been behind the rejection by Turkish Cypriot leaders of confidence-building measures, including several on trade, because, although ending the ?isolation?, such measures would not promote international recognition.

l Turkey created the illegal ?state? in northern Cyprus that led to European Court of Justice decisions, which have determined restrictions on exports, and which prevents the implementation of the EU acquis.

l The invitation to the Turkish Cypriot community to join the Cyprus delegation in EU accession negotiations was turned down.
l The Turkish Cypriot leadership, backed by Ankara, refuses to implement many measures, including parts of the Green Line regulation for political reasons, depriving Turkish Cypriots of significant economic benefits.

l The Turkish side is holding out for external ?direct trade?, an idea not promoted by economic considerations, but as a political goal.

l The government has always extended to Turkish Cypriots a number of essential services, including free supply of electricity, pensions and social security benefits.

l The government also proposed and strongly supported the EU financial assistance to benefit Turkish Cypriots. However, there were efforts to attach political stipulations to its release.

l The substantial increase in economic activity and trade across the ceasefire line since 2003 has helped double the per capita income of Turkish Cypriots in the last two years.

l The government has been better able to provide services to Turkish Cypriots since the partial lifting in 2003 of restrictions imposed by the Turkish side.

l Turkish Cypriots are now working, in increasing numbers, in the government-controlled areas and enjoy a range of benefits, including free medical care.
l Their economy has also benefited greatly from the millions of crossings by Greek Cypriots and foreign tourists to the north.

 CYPRUS MAIL

Spinning the Turkish Cypriot cause in the UK
By Simon Bahceli

A YOUNG, attractive and impressively energetic Turkish Cypriot woman bursts into a boardroom in a dauntingly prestigious advertising agency in London’s Soho Square. Out of breath, she informs the lawyers, academics and myself that the seminar is about to begin.

Filing into a larger and plusher boardroom, we meet the BBC’s James Robbins. He will chair the seminar aimed at telling journalists and British political figures the problems currently faced by the Turkish Cypriot community in Cyprus. Dark-suited men and women from the Foreign Office look on and take notes as Robbins, in clipped and eloquent BBC English, introduces the guest speakers.

For decades, groups on both sides of the Cyprus divide have found it in their interests to lobby foreign politicians on the numerous injustices being perpetrated against them by the “other side”. With formidable effect, the Greek Cypriots have used the tactic to expose to the world the horrors and losses of the 1974 Turkish invasion. Likewise, Turkish Cypriots have, albeit seemingly to lesser effect, sought friends in Westminster, Washington, and more recently Brussels, to lend support to their feelings of injustice over what happened to their community prior to 1974. Both sides’ arguments are convincing. Both sides’ grievances are without doubt valid.

However, since 2004, when the Turkish Cypriot community did a political about turn and began seeking the reunification of the island, a new grievance has come to the fore – not so much about the past, but about the present.

“Just about every aspect of life is blocked by Greek Cypriot action,” Ipek Ozerim, the energetic co-ordinator of London-based pressure group ‘Embargoed!’, tells the audience. Her list of grievances is long, ranging from the community’s 48-year banishment from international sports competitions – “not even friendly matches” – to its inability to export products from its ports or fly planefuls of tourists directly into airports in the north.

But today’s seminar is by no means one of those no-holds-barred Greek-bashing sessions so common in the past. Here British-trained lawyer Emine Erk and US-educated international relations expert Erol Kaymak, articulately and without resort to recrimination, explain the dilemma facing the Turkish Cypriot community when faced with the realities of living in an unrecognised and illegal state. They even go as far as outlining, albeit briefly, Greek Cypriot grievances regarding issues such as property and traveling to the northern part of the island.

“I accept the anger created by the property boom on Greek Cypriot land,” Erk concludes, while also rationalising the Turkish Cypriot point of view that “they felt they had done enough by backing the Annan [UN peace] plan, which, had it been implemented, would have prevented the boom”.

Kaymak too focuses, not on what the Greeks Cypriots have done to the Turkish Cypriots in the past, but on how different perspectives prevalent in the two communities have led to the exacerbation and prolongation of the conflict. More importantly still, Kaymak and Erk seek solutions, not approbation or the moral high ground.

This seminar took place last Tuesday, but it was not the first time Embargoed! had sought to put what it terms the decades-long plight of the Turkish Cypriot minority into the minds of the masses. Earlier this year, the “independent, non profit-making organisation” shocked the somewhat conservative folks back home in Cyprus with a protest depicting naked Turkish Cypriot footballers with their genitals obscured only by a banner reading “Balls to Embargoes!” Another protest in the spring chose the occasion of an EU summit to highlight the fact that the community has no voice in the European bloc. Here, members of the organisation turned up in Brussels to picket the entrance of the summit with their mouths covered with pieces of masking tape with the word “Gagged!” printed across them.

Ozerim says Embargoed!’s approach – unorthodox by Cypriot standards – stems from a wish to “reach out to a broader range of people”, and to focus on human rights issues, rather than politics.

“We want it to appeal to non-Turkish Cypriots,” she says, insisting that Embargoed! “is not about recognition of the TRNC”. But nor, she adds, is it campaigning for reunification.

“If you sit down with a bunch of members, you’ll get people who will say both. But we see ourselves as apolitical,” she says.

The non-partisan nature of Embargoed! is a factor that attracted the renowned London-based Turkish Cypriot fashion designer Huseyin Caglayan MBE to lend his support to the organisation. He says it is also the “non-nationalist” approach that he feels comfortable working with.

Being an artist, Caglayan is keen to see the organisation launching cultural events that highlight the difficulties the Turkish Cypriot community finds itself in. In particular, he feels the Greek Cypriot community need to be made aware of what it is like to be a Turkish Cypriot in north Cyprus today.

“A lot of Greek Cypriots don’t know about our predicament, either in terms of history or the present. Many of them think we are a breakaway state happy with things the way they are,” he says.

In order to get the message across, Caglayan believes organisations like Embargoed! need to get around what he describes as the “heavy-handed approach” of the Cyprus government when dealing with anything involving Turkish Cypriot participation. He points to its pulling the plug on the Manifesta project that was to see artists from both sides of the dividing line working together throughout the second half of 2006.
“I am not happy to condemn the government for its action, but this is typical of its attitude. This is not ethnicity, this is art,” he says, adding that the Cypriot government has effectively sent the message that intercommunal co-operation was undesirable and left people wondering how, if co-operation could not be achieved in relatively innocuous the field of art, could it be found on other, more complex, levels.

Caglayan’s presence in and contributions to Embargoed! clearly exert influence, but another predominant factor in the formulation of its style and methodology is Ozerim’s experience working in London with what she describes as “the top ten agencies”.

“It’s a lot about synergy,” she explains, using a term that would probably leave many Cypriot politicians both sides of the Green Line searching for a dictionary, and adds: “It’s also nice to have access to such resources and knowledge of the techniques used by big organisations like Oxfam and Greenpeace.”

Talk of resources leads one naturally to wonder where the money is coming from to fund these imaginative but also relatively expensive campaigns.

Embargoed! has around 250 members, and each one pays a fee of £25 annually, Ozerim says. She adds, however, that “many give more”.

Unfortunately though, it is the question of where funding and other forms of material and moral support come from that could create a potential pitfall for Embargoed!. One cannot help but be aware there are those among its ranks who feel the organisation should be used to counter what they see as the overly pro-solution sentiments of the current Turkish Cypriot administration. And more worrying is the tangible danger that the greatest contributions could come from companies profiting from the lucrative sale of Greek Cypriot properties in the north. But while saying she is not in the practice of disclosing the identity of donators Ozerim gives assurances that Embargoed! will not be diverted from its chosen course by the interests of individual donators.

“People give us a cheque and we say ‘thank you very much, see you later’, and so far no one has tried to influence us in this way.”

Cyprus Mail 2006