TurkeyClashes add to Turkey’s political tension
By Vincent Boland in Ankara
Published: September 7 2005 18:10 | Last updated: September 7 2005 18:10


While Turkey’s attempt to join the European Union has run into resistance because of Ankara’s unwillingness to recognise the divided island of Cyprus, clashes between Turkish nationalists and Kurds have increased political tensions at home.

In spite of attempts by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the prime minister, to reach out to the separatist Kurds, a rise in demonstrations and violent incidents involving nationalists and Kurdish separatist sympathisers has led to hundreds of arrests in recent weeks.

Turkey’s political leaders and the military have called for restraint after clashes in Istanbul, Turkey’s biggest city and economic capital, as well as towns across eastern Turkey, where many Turks of Kurdish origin live.

The violence has been sparked by provocation from both sides as well as a power struggle in the Kurdish separatist movement that has simmered since a bloody conflict with the security forces petered out in 2001 after the jailing of the movement’s leader.

The unrest coincides with a rising sense of political tension inside Turkey as it approaches the start of its long-cherished goal of beginning talks to join the EU.

Although the focus of the unrest appears to be Kurdish separatism, some diplomats in Ankara say it is symptomatic of efforts by Turkish nationalists to embarrass the Islamist-oriented, pro-EU government ahead of the beginning of the talks, which are due to open on October 3.

“Now you can see why this government cannot make any more concessions on Cyprus,” a diplomat said, referring to intense pressure on the Turkish government from some of its counterparts in the EU to recognise the government of Cyprus, an EU member, before the accession process begins, or as soon as possible after that.

Mr Erdogan and Abdullah Gul, foreign minister, have both rejected the demand and threatened to walk away from the EU if Ankara is forced to make more concessions.

The political clashes have overshadowed an attempt by the government in recent weeks to show that it is adopting a fresh approach to the south-east.

Analysts and diplomats say the political leadership of Turkey’s Kurdish separatist movement remains riven by a power struggle and that many of its existing leaders are either still in thrall to Abdullah Ocalan, the jailed PKK leader, or fearful of his acolytes.

FT 08/09/2005

EU split on Turkey-Cyprus ultimatum
By Vincent Boland in Ankara
Published: September 8 2005 03:00 | Last updated: September 8 2005 03:00


Ambassadors to the European Union met yesterday in Brussels in a continuing attempt to agree on a statement calling on Turkey to seek to normalise relations with Cyprus in coming years.

 

Cyprus wants a tough statement on recognition, but the UK, which currently holds the EU presidency, fears a tough ultimatum could prompt Turkey to walk away before the start of the October 3 talks.

Meanwhile, clashes between nationalists and Kurds are adding to domestic tensions in Turkey. In spite of attempts by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the prime minister, to reach out to the separatist Kurds, a rise in demonstrations and violent incidents involving nationalists and Kurdish separatist sympathisers has led to hundreds of arrests in recent weeks.

Turkey's political leaders and the military on Tuesday called for restraint after clashes in Istanbul, Turkey's biggest city and economic capital, as well as towns across eastern Turkey, where many Turks of Kurdish origin live.

The violence has been sparked by provocation from both sides as well as a power struggle in the Kurdish separatist movement that has simmered since a bloody conflict with the security forces petered out in 2001 after the jailing of the movement's leader.

Although the focus of the unrest appears to be Kurdish separatism, some diplomats in Ankara say it is symptomatic of efforts by Turkish nationalists to embarrass the Islamist-oriented, pro-EU government ahead of the beginning of the talks.

"Now you can see why this government cannot make any more concessions on Cyprus," a diplomat said, referring to intense pressure on the Turkish government from some of its counterparts in the EU to recognise the government of Cyprus, an EU member, before the accession process begins, or as soon as possible after that.

Mr Erdogan and Abdullah Gul, foreign minister, have both rejected the demand and threatened to walk away from the EU if Ankara is forced to make more concessions.

The political clashes have overshadowed an attempt by the government in recent weeks to show that it is adopting a fresh approach to the south-east.

Analysts and diplomats say the political leadership of Turkey's Kurdish separatist movement remains riven by a power struggle.

FT 08/09/2005

EU stance on Turkey will make 'clash of civilisations' a reality
By David Barchard
Published: September 8 2005 03:00 | Last updated: September 8 2005 03:00


From Mr David Barchard.

 

Sir, You are clearly right to insist both that the European Union must keep its promises to Turkey and that events such as the prosecution of the novelist Orhan Pamuk are incompatible with Turkey's bid for EU membership ("EU must honour its promise to Turkey", September 5).

But if there is a "conspiracy of silence" about the human cost of the clashes in the Balkans and the Caucasus in the 19th and early 20th centuries, it is not simply Turkish, but Christian European also.

About 5.5m European Muslims died as a result of the activities of Christian ethno-nationalists in the late Ottoman Empire between 1821 and 1923. Many more were driven from their homes, with the acquiescence of the western powers, and their descendants make up about half the population of Turkey today. Between 1912 and 1923, about 2.3m Muslims died in Anatolia as a result of war.

Western European opinion consistently ignores that, just as it ignores the expulsion of about 1m Azeris from their homes in or around Nagorno Karabakh after 1990, and it currently seems to have forgotten the Turkish Cypriots. Instead it focuses on the grievances of Christian ethno-nationalist groups and makes them into live political issues. Is the EU bent on turning the "clash of civilisations" into reality?

David Barchard,

FT 08/09/05

Violent clashes add to political tension for Turkey
By Vincent Boland in Ankara
Published: September 8 2005 03:00 | Last updated: September 8 2005 03:00


Ambassadors to the European Union met yesterday in Brussels in a continuing attempt to agree on a statement calling on Turkey to seek to normalise relations with Cyprus in coming years.

 

Cyprus wants a tough statement on recognition, but the UK, which currently holds the EU presidency, fears that a tough ultimatum could prompt Turkeyto walk away before the beginning of the talks, scheduled for October 3.

Meanwhile clashes be-tween nationalists and Kurds are adding to domestic tensions in Turkey. In spite of attempts by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the prime minister, to reach out to the separatist Kurds, a rise in demonstrations and violent incidents involving nationalists and Kurdish separatist sympathisers has led to hundreds of arrests in recent weeks.

Turkey's political leaders and the military on Tuesday called for restraint after clashes in Istanbul, Turkey's biggest city and economic capital, as well as towns across eastern Turkey, where many Turks of Kurdish origin live.

The violence has been sparked by provocation from both sides as well as a power struggle in the Kurdish separatist movement that has simmered since a bloody conflict with the security forces petered out in 2001 after the jailing of the movement's leader.

Although the focus of the unrest appears to be Kurdish separatism, some diplomats in Ankara say it is symptomatic of efforts by Turkish nationalists to embarrass the Islamist-oriented, pro-EU government ahead of the beginning of the talks.

"Now you can see why this government cannot make any more concessions on Cyprus," a diplomat said, referring to intense pressure on the Turkish government from some of its EU counterparts to recognise the government of Cyprus, an EU member, before the accession process begins, or as soon as possible after that.

Mr Erdogan and Abdullah Gul, the foreign minister, have rejected the demand and threatened to walk away from the EU if forced to make more concessions.

But Turkey has also indicated it is ready to recognise the Cypriot government as part of a wider settlement to the island's division into Greek and Turkish areas.

The political clashes have overshadowed an attempt by the government in recent weeks to show that it is adopting a fresh approach to the south-east.

Analysts and diplomats say the political leadership of Turkey's Kurdish separatist movement is riven by a power struggle and many of its leaders are either in thrall to Abdullah Ocalan, jailed PKK leader, or fearful of his acolytes.

FT 08/09/05

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Warm welcome on the island of love

Published on 17/09/2005

 

 

Hidden treasures: Kyrenia’s back streets, left: the town’s harbour, above, where Liz and Tilda enjoyed the sun, below

 

Cyprus is the birthplace of Aphrodite, the goddess of love. So it came as no surprise that many families we spoke to on our holiday in Kyrenia (or Girne) in northern Cyprus talked of a long-standing love affair with this paradise of an island.

Within hours of settling into our hotel and taking an evening promenade along the enchanting horseshoe-shaped harbour with its many bars and restaurants, we felt relaxed and completely welcome.

The Turkish Cypriot people are exceptionally warm and friendly and their hospitality made for one of my most enjoyable holidays yet. We could happily have stayed in the seaside town without venturing beyond – there’s plenty to do.

Days can easily be filled with simply enjoying the blissful weather (perfect either side of the summer months), clear seas and high standards of the hotels, while sipping on a brandy sour (the local cocktail) or two.

A massage, sauna or the ultimate experience of a shave at the local barber’s (which my partner said was the highlight for him) can form part of your holiday pampering.

The standard of the food is excellent and everything is reasonably priced – as well as the locals serving mezes, salads, kebabs and freshly caught fish, we also enjoyed eating at a selection of the growing number of international restaurants.

Kyrenia is a working town, and the streets and bars are filled with a mix of locals, ex-pats and tourists, which makes for a more interesting experience than a resort could provide.

We made a lot of friends over a drink at the many bars (once carob warehouses) at the harbour and were made equally welcome at the lesser known locals’ bars in the Old Town.

Those who enjoy visiting historical sites will find plenty to see here. Just 40 miles off the southern coast of Turkey, northern Cyprus has long been a stepping stone between East and West and has a long and illustrious history spanning more than 9,000 years.

It was once part of the empire of Alexander the Great and was captured by Richard the Lionheart on his way to the third crusade. In 1878 it was leased by the Ottoman empire to the British and later became a British crown colony. Remnants of the island’s long and chequered past can be seen in the many palaces, castles, mosques and abbeys.

The most breathtaking are the remains of the gothic Abbey built by Augustinian monks in 1205 AD in the mountain village of Bellapais, which was the inspiration for Lawrence Durrell’s The Bitter Lemons of Cyprus.

Girne Castle dominates the harbour and warrants a day’s visit. Its shipwreck museum contains the remains of a boat that sank off the coast in the third century BC, with hundreds of retrieved amphora, cutlery and crockery on display.

Because we were travelling with our young baby, Tilda, we chose not to venture too far from Kyrenia, and my biggest regret about the holiday is that we only discovered the unspoilt nature and unbelievable beauty of the Karpaz Peninsula on our last day there.

As we drove for miles without seeing a soul apart from donkeys, a shack selling refreshments and basic beach huts for rent, we really felt like we had arrived at the edge of the world.

We found Turtle Beach by chance and our few hours there, spotting the turtles it’s obviously named for and playing on the miles of golden sands, were magical.

Northern Cyprus is such a beautiful place it is no surprise that more and more Brits (including my mother!) are making it their second home.

Whatever the hype (and changing political situation), I’m sure it will remain an unspoilt, uncommercialised paradise.

Liz McGlynn went to Northern Cyprus in May and stayed at the four-star Dome Hotel in Kyrenia, courtesy of Anatolian Sky Holidays.

For more details and to view their current offers for winter sun holidays go to www.anatolian-sky. co.uk.

Offers include: October 15 departing Manchester, staying at the three-star BB Santoria Villas in Kyrenia, North Cyprus, seven nights from £359; or staying at the five-star HB Club Acapulco Hotel, Kyrenia, seven nights from £409.

News & Star 17/09/2005

 

Regime change, European-style, is a measure of our civilisation

European self-interest must not be trumped by the politics of identity on the road to Turkey's accession to the EU

Madeleine Bunting
Monday September 26, 2005

Guardian

A week from today, barring a last-minute upset, there will be a small, quiet signing ceremony, probably in Strasbourg. Not even the UK Foreign Office seems entirely sure of the venue or its format. But no one is questioning the scale of the ambition nor the risks which underpin this event - the opening of the accession process for Turkey's membership of the European Union. Welcome to regime change, European-style.

The parallels are inescapable: the US launched its regime change in a Muslim country with shock and awe, an unprecedented onslaught of military power. The EU quietly initiates its regime change in the Muslim country next door with the shock of 80,000 pages of EU regulations on everything from the treatment of waste water to the protection of Kurdish-minority rights. While one sends in its Humvees and helicopters, the other sends in an army of management consultants, human-rights lawyers and food-hygiene specialists.

The more the US model of regime change disintegrates into violent chaos in Iraq, the more the EU glows with discreet pride in its own unparalleled record of successful regime change, from post-dictatorship Spain and Portugal to the more recent enlargement countries such as Hungary and Estonia.

The EU model uses the incentive of membership to insist on dramatic change - once a country is a member, the leverage is lost. So Turkey will have to jump through a number of hoops on issues such as corruption and sewerage, which might trip up many of the oldest EU members. It's a style of regime change which is "cheap, voluntary and hence long-lasting", points out Steven Everts in a new pamphlet,Why Europe Should Embrace Turkey.

This kind of regime change is the only way in which the EU can lay claim to being a serious global player - on almost every recent international crisis, from Bosnia to Iraq, internal squabbles crippled an effective response. No wonder then that there are plenty of Europhiles, particularly in the UK, whose eyes glitter at the prospect of Turkey in the EU queue. They rattle off the long list of advantages: the geostrategic significance of Turkey in relation to the Caucasus and the Middle East; the key gas supplies that now run through Turkey; the demographic advantages of a much younger population; the dynamic Turkish economy - grown by a quarter since 2001; securing Europe's back door against drugs and people-trafficking.

Besides, Turkey has aspired to EU membership for over 40 years, and such has been its enthusiasm in the past few years that, to win Brussels' favour, it has agreed to the most ambitious political and economic reform programme since the great secular moderniser Kemal Ataturk. Regime change is already well under way in Istanbul, but not irrevocable; the prospective trial of the novelist Orhan Pamuk for his comments on the Armenian massacre indicate that some in Turkey are only too keen to torpedo the whole process. If Europe was to turn truculent with Turkey, an extraordinary opportunity to strengthen human rights and ensure stable democracy would be lost. The conclusion is clear: Turkish membership is a "no-brainer", insist Britain's Euro elite - commentators, government and analysts alike.

What fuels this British enthusiasm is that Turkey offers the tantalising possibility of exorcising the "clash of civilisations" ghost. If there was a secular, democratic, economically successful Muslim state it would kill off intense arguments about the incompatibility of Islam with democracy or Islam with human rights and modernity. Furthermore, 80 million Turks within the EU would also kill off the EU's credibility deficit in the Muslim world, where it's seen as a Christian, white club with a dodgy imperial past (although the latter is as much a Turkish problem as a European one in the region). Finally - the coup de grace - it would strengthen the claim of Europe's 15 million-strong Muslim minority to a home in Europe. In sharp contrast to the US, Europe could shape a new, prosperous and peaceful accommodation between Islam and the secular west.

But this is the nub of the problem - vast swaths of Europe don't buy it. Either they don't believe a peaceful accommodation with Muslims is possible or they fear it requires such a dilution of European identity that they don't want it. Britain's enthusiasm is echoed in only a few countries such as Poland and Spain, while across the rest of the continent the "clash of civilisations" argument is flourishing. Hence the quietness of the short ceremony next Monday. No one has any desire to launch this project of regime change with a fanfare - it fills European populations with horror. The figures from a recent Eurobarometer poll tell it all: 80% of Austrians are against, and only 10% in favour; 70% of the French are against and 74% of the Germans. It's going to need a very hard sell to convince millions of people that Turkish membership is in their interests, and after the failure of a previous Euro elite project - the constitution - no one's relishing the challenge.

The accession process will take at least a decade and over that time both the EU and Turkey are likely to change dramatically, but what will make the process so fascinating is that as the rows rumble on (no one denies that it's going to be rocky - the Turks are allegedly "terrible negotiators", every detail becoming a point of national honour) it will be the canvas on which will be projected all of Europe's crucial choices.

Will self-interest - put crudely, young Turks might pay for ageing Europe's pensions - be trumped by the unpredictable politics of identity as an insecure Europe, aware of its shrinking demographic and economic weight in the world, pulls up the drawbridge and opts to define itself more narrowly around its historical Christian identity?

This self-interest isn't obvious: it will need European politicians to do a lot of explaining. Geostrategic thinking doesn't come easily to your average voter and they'll need reassurance that they are not going to be swamped by cheap Turkish labour. Free movement of labour can be staggered, as it is for the new eastern European members, and is unlikely to come before 2022. Similarly, structural funds are not going to be swallowed up whole in the peasant hinterland of Anatolia and probably won't be accessible by Turkey until after 2020.

But the reticence about taking on the advocacy role for Turkish membership has been evident across the political spectrum in Germany as politicians fear being ambushed by the visceral emotions stirred up by Turkey. Austria and Germany are still thinking of the geese whose honking woke the army when Vienna was under siege from the Ottoman Turks in the 16th century, commented one seasoned observer.

Can such history be laid to rest when it has sunk such long and deep roots into the national identity? All over the world, in places such as Rwanda and South Africa, there are many grappling with different formulations of just that question. The EU ploughs funds and diplomacy in to achieve an affirmative. How hollow does that ring if Europe itself, despite all its vaunted values of freedom and tolerance and its envied prosperity, fails the test and lets history win. Watch Turkey's accession process in the years to come as the barometer of Europe's degree of civilisation.

 

 

EU brinkmanship threatens Turkey talks

 

JACK STRAW, the Foreign Secretary, asked his European counterparts yesterday not to “betray” Turkey, as the Government faced last-minute defeat in its struggle to get membership talks to start on Monday.

As the debate over the Muslim state’s entry reached fever pitch, the European Parliament dealt a blow by first voting not to ratify a customs union with Turkey, and then insisting that the Turkish Government acknowledge that it committed genocide against its Armenian Christian minority in the last century.

 

 

At a meeting of EU ambassadors today, Austria is expected to block the opening of talks by insisting that Turkey be offered a “privileged partnership” instead of full membership. Ankara raised the stakes by threatening to walk away if the conditions were changed.

Britain, which has made securing the start of Turkey’s entry talks the top priority of its EU presidency, will then call an emergency meeting of EU foreign ministers on Sunday to try to stop the membership negotiations collapsing hours before they are due to start.

The brinkmanship on an issue critical to the future of Europe will leave Abdullah Gul, the Turkish Foreign Minister, waiting in Ankara, not knowing whether or not he should fly to Luxembourg to start entry talks. Turkey first applied for membership of the European Economic Community 40 years ago, and its current Government has undertaken a frenetic round of reforms to meet EU membership criteria.

An EU diplomat said: “We could end up with Gul sitting at Ankara airport waiting for word on the final language of the negotiating mandate. That would be very humiliating for the Turks and get the talks off to the worst possible start.”

The British Government believes that securing a large, democratic Muslim nation in the EU is essential to avert a clash between Islam and the West. Although European governments agreed in December to entry talks, doubts have swelled since Dutch and French voters threw the EU into crisis by rejecting a European constitution. In most EU countries, most voters are opposed, often fearing an influx of immigrants. Many EU leaders, including President Chirac of France, have expressed doubts about Turkey, and Angela Merkel, the likely next Chancellor of Germany, is staunchly opposed.

Mr Straw told the Labour Party conference: “It would now be a huge betrayal of the hopes and expectations of the Turkish people and of Prime Minister (Recep Tayyip) Erdogan’s reform programme if, at this crucial time, we turned our back on Turkey.”

Turkey has already been angered by other conditions that have been attached at the last minute. One is that it recognise Cyprus, an EU member where it has 35,000 troops occupying the north. Another is that it does not veto any other EU country’s membership of international organisations. This is a direct challenge to Turkey to stop using its veto at Nato to block Cyprus’s membership. In Ankara, the Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman said: “It is out of the question for us to accept any formula or proposal other than full membership.”

For and against

Last December, all 25 EU members agreed to open talks with Turkey in October. Since then, concerns have arisen in several countries. They must now unanimously agree a framework for negotiations.

Position of key countries:

Germany: Angela Merkel, the probable next Chancellor, fears that it will make the EU unmanageable and lead to an influx of immigrants.

Cyprus: insists that Turkey recognise it, and stop banning Cypriot traffic from Turkish ports and airports.

Austria: insists on “privileged partnership”, not full membership.

France: to placate public opposition to membership, it has promised a referendum before it votes for Turkish entry.

Britain, Italy: strong support, believing that membership would avert clash between Islam and the West.

THE TIMES 29/09/05

 

Austria claims 'double standards' on Turkish talks
By Haig Simonian in Vienna, Daniel Dombey in Brussels and Raphael, Minder in Strasbourg
Published: September 29 2005 03:00 | Last updated: September 29 2005 03:00


Wolfgang Schüssel, Austria's chancellor, yesterday sent an uncompromising message on Turkey's bid to join the European Union, increasing the likelihood that talks will only begin if the EU also moves towards starting negotiations with Croatia

Some western diplomats warn that such a deal, in which Turkey would begin its membership talks on time next Monday and Croatia would follow soon after, could hurt efforts to track down war criminals in the former Yugoslavia.

In an interview with the FT, Mr Schüssel called for the EU to abandon the idea that the talks with Turkey should be exclusively aimed at membership.

He also denounced the EU's "double standards" over Croatia, whose membership bid is stalled because of a dispute over Ante Gotovina, an alleged war criminal. "We need an alternative that would ensure that Turkey would remain bonded as strongly as possible to the EU," he said.

"If we trust Turkey to make further progress we should trust Croatia too . .. It is in Europe's interest to start negotiations with Croatia immediately."

Austria denies it is linking the cases of Turkey and Croatia in any way.

However, EU diplomats now believe a deal on Turkey will only be possible if the EU moves closer to starting talks with Croatia.

Most EU governments say Vienna's demands on Turkey - particularly its call to delete a reference to EU accession as the goal of the talks - are unacceptable. But Austria, like all EU states, needs to give its assent if talks are to begin.

The dispute is expected to go to an emergency meeting of foreign ministers on Sunday night, hours before the scheduled start of talks.

Diplomats say such a high-profile meeting could make it impossible for Austria to give up its position on Turkey without gaining ground on Croatia, with which it has cultivated close relations.

"It is not fair to leave Croatia in an eternal waiting room," said Mr Schüssel. "I don't understand the logic."

Carla del Ponte, chief prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, has recently indicated that Croatia has stepped up its efforts against Mr Gotovina.

But some western officials argue that beginning talks with Croatia while Mr Gotovina is at large will set a bad precedent for efforts to track down Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the Bosnian Serb indicted war criminals.

* Concerns about Ankara's bid to join the EU were underlined yesterday by a non-binding resolution on Turkey approved by the European parliament. In a move likely to increase resentment in Ankara, MEPs urged Turkey to recognise that the killing of Armenians in 1915 amounted to genocide. MEPs also delayed approval of a customs union agreement between Turkey and the EU, in an attempt to increase pressure on Turkey to normalise political and economic ties with Cyprus.

FT 29/09/05

 

EU set for emergency talks over Turkey

Staff and agencies
Thursday September 29, 2005

EU ministers are to hold emergency negotiations this weekend after Austria today objected to starting entry talks with Turkey.

A 24-1 vote meant ambassadors failed to agree on a mandate to start entry negotiations with Ankara. All 25 member states had to back the proposal before entry negotiations could begin.

The talks had been due to start on Monday, but Turkey now has to wait to learn whether its application to join the EU will be considered. Emergency discussions on the Austrian objection could continue up to Monday morning.

Austria insists Turkey should be offered the option of a lesser partnership within the EU rather than full membership. The northern European country is also trying to link the talks with Ankara to the stalled entry negotiation for Croatia.

Abdullah Gul, the Turkish foreign minister, is due to fly to Luxembourg to begin the talks over the weekend.

Ankara's refusal to recognise fellow EU member Cyprus could be another stumbling block to Turkish entry. The European parliament says failure to do so could mean entry negotiations do not go ahead.

In July, Turkey signed an agreement to widen its customs union with the EU to include Cyprus and nine other new EU members. However, Ankara said this did not amount to recognition of the Greek-Cypriot government.

Greek diplomats today said they supported Turkey joining the union, but that full membership would mean Ankara had to give "full compliance" to the EU's demands.

Austria is now the only member of the EU not to have agreed to beginning entry negotiations for Turkey.

A spokesman said the Austrian people did not support full membership for Turkey, prompting some analysts to speculate that Austria's resistance was part of a domestic election campaign.

Austria wants to see the EU do more to review Croatia's efforts to join the union. Brussels has demanded that Zagreb pushes for the capture of a war crimes suspect wanted by the UN war crimes tribunal before entry talks can begin.

Turkey's entry negotiations are expected to last at least a decade, and several countries, including France, have vowed to hold referendums on the issue, reflecting growing concern over allowing a predominantly Muslim country join the union.

The French prime minister, Dominique de Villepin, today said he supported a "clearly controlled" negotiating process leading to Turkish membership, but that France would decide the issue with a referendum. Turkey has been campaigning to join the EU since 1963.

· Serbia-Montenegro today began the long path to EU membership after EU envoys agreed to launch preparatory talks with the fragile state union salvaged from the collapse of Yugoslavia.

GUARDIAN 29/09/05

 

Young Turks choose Atatürk over Europe
By Vincent Boland in Ankara
Published: September 30 2005 03:00 | Last updated: September 30 2005 03:00


Above the blackboard in every classroom at the Hasan-Ali Yucel high school is a poster of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of Turkey, alongside the words of the national anthem and a statement by the former leader addressed to the nation's children. There are pictures of him on the corridor walls and his bust greets visitors at the door.

So when a British member of the European Parliament was reported this week to have said that Turkey should abandon its cult of Atatürk before it joins the European Union, it generated a heated response among Turks, including youngsters such as the 526 pupils who attend this school in the fast-developing Ankara suburb of Balgat.

"If they have opinions like this, then Turkey should not join the European Union," says Alp, a 16-year-old who, like nearly every pupil at the school, has ambitions to be a teacher.

Kemalism, the ideology of nationalism and self-reliance developed with the founding of the republic in 1923, "is the path Atatürk drew and we need to follow his path because people who follow his principles are successful people", Alp says.

In a straw poll a little later, only about half of the 20 pupils in this Turkish literature class raise their hands when they are asked whether Turkey would, or should, join the EU.

Bircan, a bright girl of 17 who wants to teach English, was not even sure how many countries were now in the union until Mucahit Tutar, the school's director, whispered "25".

As Turkey prepares on Monday to begin formal accession negotiations to join the EU, even Turkey's brightest young people seem less than certain about what the bloc is or does.

This suggests that the vast gulf in knowledge about the EU inside Turkey is not going to be narrowed any time soon. Then again, the misconceptions and ignorance within the EU about Turkey may be just as great.

The children in this classroom come from all over the country and are among Turkey's brightest: they all passed exams to get here. Just over half of them are girls.

Hasan-Ali Yucel, named after the man who stripped the modern Turkish language of its Arabic and Persian trappings in those early revolutionary days, is a state boarding school. It looks and feels well-funded, above the general run of schools in Turkey, which cater to an estimated 20m pupils and are constantly short of resources.

The school specialises in preparing youngsters to be teachers, which explains the increased prevalence of Atatürk's portraits. Teachers in Turkey, though wretchedly paid, are respected members of society, almost like soldiers. It is not coincidental that Turkey has both a ministry of "national defence" and a ministry of "national education".

As Mr Tutar puts it, "The republic is explained and passed on to our children by the schools."

The children in this classroom have lessons on the EU as part of their European history class, where it is taught alongside the history of the world wars and the fall of communism. Ali, who is 17, says they have been taught that "all the member states of the EU are independent but have some common rules".

Some of the children say that they would like to know more about the EU and its institutions before making up their minds about whether Turkey should join or not. But they seem more interested in learning English and science than in discovering more about Europe.

"Maybe the quality of education will increase if we join the EU, but our education system is not so different to the rest of Europe," 17-year-old Ilke says.

Turkey's education system is devoted to producing model citizens along Kemalist lines, not aspiring Europeans.

As Mr Tutar says of the EU negotiations: "We can't make concessions on the unity of the country, on Atatürk and his principles, or on the republic. Everything else we can sit and talk about."

 

FT 30/09/2005

 

 

Brutality, poverty and religion stand between Turkey and EU

Talks on Turkey's membership of the EU are due to begin on Monday, with the issue dividing both the country and Europe. Today, in the first of two articles, our correspondent looks at the case against letting it join

 

ON A tiny island in the middle of Lake Van, on the far eastern edge of Turkey, a team of architects is working feverishly to restore one of the most beautiful religious buildings in the world.

Holy Cross Church, on Akdamar island, was built by the Armenian King Gagik in AD921 and was once the spiritual focus for more than a million Armenian Christians.

Today there is no one left to worship in it. The entire Armenian population here was killed or driven away by Turks and Kurdish militias during the First World War, in what Armenians claim was the first genocide of the 20th century — a charge vigorously denied by the Turkish State.

 

 

For 90 years the church was left to rot. Its frescoes disintegrated as the rainwater seeped in, and its delightful carvings were used for target practice by local gun-toting shepherds.

In the run-up to planned EU accession talks next week, however, Turkey has come under intense pressure to acknowledge its bloody past and improve its treatment of minorities.

Four months ago the restoration work finally began, and today Muslim stonemasons are busily rebuilding this church without a congregation. The scaffolding-clad church is proof that attitudes are changing, but it is also a poignant symbol of how much work — economic, political, cultural and historical — still needs to be completed.

The membership negotiations are expected to take ten years or more, and there is no guarantee that Turkey will ever enter this hitherto white, Christian club, for the idea faces widespread public hostility within Europe. For many, this poor, populous and overwhelmingly Muslim country is simply a different culture, separated from, if not actually inimical to, Europe.

Nowhere in Turkey feels less European than Lake Van, the starkly blue inland body of water on the country’s volcanic eastern edge. At dusk the muezzin calls the faithful to prayer, barefoot Kurdish children herd ragged sheep, and a pair of women, ageless and faceless in the all-enveloping burka, trudge through the dust to their mud-brick home.

An hour to the east is Iran; to the south is blood-soaked Iraq, and to the north, beyond Mount Ararat, lie Armenia and Georgia. Ancient, biblical and Middle Eastern, this is the land of Noah; but if Turkey gains admittance to the EU, it will mark Europe’s eastern border.

For many Europeans, that is a step too far. “No to Turkey”, rallies in France cried before the EU constitution was roundly rejected this year. On the shore at Copenhagen, the famous naked Little Mermaid was draped in an Islamic headscarf with a sign reading “Turkey in the EU?” Turkey’s supporters are quick to point out that Europe is not a race or a religion, but an idea. Yet the image of Turkey as an alien power is deeply embedded in European history.

Indeed, the very concept of Europe was to some extent born out of Christendom’s common cause against the great Muslim empire to the east.

Gladstone, as Prime Minister, expressed the common prejudice against a corrupt and violent Turkey threatening Europe’s very existence: “From the black day they entered Europe, the one great anti- human specimen of humanity. Wherever they went a broad line of blood marked the track behind them.”

As archaic and racist as those ideas seem today, they still have some currency, most notably in those parts of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire that remember, with an inherited shudder, the Ottoman Janissaries at the gates of Vienna.

Turkey’s critics need not look far to find evidence of cultural and political incompatibility with European norms. Turkey’s military continues to play an important (though reduced) role in the country’s politics, while freedom of speech and other human rights lag far behind the European standard.

Turkey has thrown off the Midnight Express image of official brutality, but the rights and liberties of individuals are still often at the mercy of an authoritarian State. Last year police torture was still widespread, according to the Turkish Human Rights Foundation.

Turkey has made significant reforms in recent years, but critics, including many inside the country, worry that such reforms are skin-deep, a pragmatic shift to gain admittance to Europe rather than a genuine change of heart.

Economically, despite a recent upswing, Turkey remains far behind the poorest EU members, while many fear that an influx of poor Turkish workers could flood European labour markets. Education levels are below those of all European and most Latin American and Asian countries.

Another fear is that Turkey’s addition to the EU would unbalance what is already a fractious organisation, uncertain of its identity and anxious about the future.

 

 

By 2010 there will be an estimated 80 million Turks. With population determining voting power, this would give Ankara the same clout as Berlin, Paris and London.

Meanwhile, the running sore of Cyprus remains; Ankara has yet to recognise formally the Greek Government of Cyprus, already a member of the club that it now seeks to join.

The Turkish State remains staunchly secular, yet some argue that bringing millions of Muslims into Europe could provide a springboard for Islamist fundamentalism.

Turkey, after all, was until 1924 the seat of the Islamic caliphate which Osama bin Laden has repeatedly spoken of restoring to its former power. Even Turkey’s most avid supporters agree that Ankara has much more to do before this vast, teeming land straddling Europe and Asia can be ushered into the EU.

Turkey has made progress towards addressing the EU political requirements, but to join the Union it would have to adopt uncountable numbers of laws and regulations, ranging from maritime safety to sewage to food hygiene.

Even if Europe could be persuaded to admit Turkey, it is by no means certain that Turkey will agree to be crushed into the preordained European shape.

Support for joining the EU is falling in Turkey, from three quarters a year ago to two thirds now. Many Turks have taken deep offence at what is seen as foot-dragging by some European countries, and there is a growing body of nationalist and traditionalist opinion, angered by the abrupt changes in Turkish society, that would rather pull out of accession talks altogether than submit to the Brussels straitjacket.

The sense of former imperial glory is as pronounced in Turkey as it is Britain; neither country relishes being told what to do by its former European rivals.

That view is poignantly expressed by Ümit Özdag, a Turkish nationalist politician, who insists that EU membership is an unachievable fantasy because Europe will keep shifting the goalposts.

Yet for many Turks, Union membership remains attainable — and logical. Even in remote Van, there is strong enthusiasm for membership of a greater Europe, based on national pride as much as admiration for Europe.

“We are a young country, we are a growing country, but Europe is becoming old,” declares Celal Basak, my huge Kurdish guide, as we bounce along a rutted track that passes for a road in Van but would dismay any European transport commissioner. “Turkey can help Europe as much as Europe can help Turkey.” Van is predominantly populated by Kurds, who for decades have suffered discrimination at the hands of the Turkish State. Kurds such as Mr Basak believe that EU membership would give his people the autonomy and recognition they have long craved. “I know Europe will end the troubles for my people,” he declares with a grin. “One hundred per cent.”

We are heading for the village known, in Turkish, as Koy. Another former centre of Christian Armenian culture, the Kurds still refer to it as Six Churches.

Turkey’s continued refusal to acknowledge the fate of the Armenians has crystallised much of the opposition to Turkey’s EU membership. This week the European Parliament declared that Turkey must acknowledge the “genocide” before it can be admitted.

Slowly Turkey may be inching towards that point. Yet the State stands by its own version of events, insisting that just as many Turks and Kurds perished in a civil war sparked by Armenian rebels. That view is enshrined in Turkish law, though rejected by most historians.

The acclaimed Turkish novelist Orhan Pamuk is today facing prosecution on charges of “belittling Turkishness” for stating that “30,000 Kurds and 1,000,000 Armenians were killed in Turkey”.

 

 

The whiff of wilful historical amnesia also hangs over Six Churches, a once magnificent monastic complex in the mountains that is now a ruin. When I ask the village headman, Mehmet Goban, about the fate of the local Armenians, a chill descends on the warm afternoon. “Kurds and Armenians always lived happily together here. We do not know why they left. We don’t know what happened to them,” he declares, after a long, painful pause.

This wild and tribal land seems a world away from the Brussels of suits and communiqués, where everything is ordered and regulated, including the horrors of history. Whether Turkey comes to terms with its past may decide whether it becomes part of Europe; that decision, in turn, could redefine European identity for the next century.

A thin and beautiful cat picks its way among the lonely stones of Six Churches. Eastern Anatolia, like neighbouring Iran, formerly Persia, is famed for its cats. Indeed, the symbol of the region is the Van cat, a beautiful, lithe creature with a genetic quirk that gives it one blue eye and one green.

As the debate over Turkey begins in earnest, this cat may stand as a symbol not just for Van, but for Turkey itself: with one blue eye trained westward on Europe, and one green eye looking to the East.

MEASURING UP

Population 70 million

Population growth rate 1.09 per cent (EU average 0.15 per cent)

Unemployment rate 9.3 per cent (EU average 9 per cent)

Religion Muslim 99.8 per cent (mostly Sunni), other 0.2 per cent

GDP per capita £4,200 (EU average £15,300)

Life expectancy male 69.94 years (EU 75.1), female 74.91 (81.6)

Rank in Human Development Index (2003) 94 (Britain, 15; Germany, 20; Cyprus, 29)

(Sources: CIA World Factbook, UN, Eurostat)

TOMORROW

 

The case in favour of membership

 

THE TIMES 30/09/05

 

Straw calls emergency meeting to save talks

 

BRITAIN has called an emergency meeting of EU foreign ministers on Sunday evening in an effort to prevent membership talks with Turkey from collapsing only hours before they are scheduled to start.

Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, called the meeting in Brussels yesterday after negotiations failed to agree the terms of the entry talks, with Austria insisting that Turkey should be offered an alternative of “privileged partnership” rather than full membership.

 

 

Austria is also insisting that Croatia, which used to be under Austrian rule, must start EU entry talks at the same time as Turkey; but other member states are insisting that Croatia must first surrender its war criminals.

British efforts to ensure that the Turkish entry talks start on Monday have failed to stop high-stakes brinkmanship.

Abdullah Gul, the Turkish Foreign Minister, will have a plane on standby and be waiting in Ankara on Sunday night to learn whether he should fly to Luxembourg to start the talks at a celebratory lunch on Monday.

Last night Mr Gul said that the occasion may be delayed because Turkey would not have seen any negotiating framework agreed by EU ministers on Sunday night.

“Everyone knows there’s no point in going to Luxembourg without seeing this document,” he said. There were still so many issues to resolve that “there is a possibility that negotiations will not start”.

The EU agreed last December that Turkey should start its membership talks, but attitudes to the Muslim nation have hardened since.

Cyprus, an EU member that is occupied illegally by 35,000 Turkish troops, was recently persuaded not to veto the start of the talks with a declaration that Turkey must recognise the Government of Cyprus before it can join the Union.

France insisted on inserting language that emphasised that Turkey could join only if the EU is capable of absorbing the populous country, which would become the largest member of the Union.

Austria, whose capital was twice besieged by Ottoman forces, and where all significant political parties oppose Turkish membership, insists that it be made clear that the talks will not necessarily result in full membership, but a special partnership.

Turkey has threatened to walk away if the aim of the talks is changed in that way.

 

THE TIMES 30/09/05

 

 

Turkey's future lies in EU, says Blair

Mark Oliver and agencies
Friday September 30, 2005

Tony Blair today insisted Turkey's future was in the EU as British officials in Brussels worked to dispel a looming crisis over next week's talks on its membership.

In an interview with Turkey's Hurriyet newspaper, the prime minister said he would work hard to help Turkey realise its EU ambitions.

"I sincerely believe that EU membership is Turkey's future," Mr Blair - a long-time supporter of Ankara joining the 25-nation bloc - told the paper. "We shall work towards achieving that.

 

"How quickly Turkey's EU train reaches its destination will depend on how fast Ankara can make changes."

Turkish officials reacted angrily after Austria yesterday blocked an EU agreement on the ground rules for formal talks on the country's entry.

Last December, EU leaders agreed that Turkey - which first applied for membership more than 40 years ago - had taken the necessary steps towards qualifying for the talks to begin.

The negotiations had been due to begin on Monday after EU states said Ankara had worked on its human rights record as well as economic and social reforms.

But while the other 24 other member states were happy with the terms, Austria said it wanted a downgraded and associate EU membership for Turkey to be an option.

It is already the case that the start of talks - due to take place in Luxembourg - would not guarantee Turkish EU entry.

The Turkish foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, angered by Austria's stance, said he would not travel to Luxembourg before being sent a copy of the ground rules for the negotiations.

Yesterday, Turkey's prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, said: "If the EU is not a Christian club, this has to be proven. What do you gain by adding 99% Muslim Turkey to the EU? You gain a bridge between the EU and the 1.5 billion-strong Islamic world. An alliance of civilisations will start."

In his interview with Hurriyet, Mr Blair backed Mr Erdogan's argument. "Europe will benefit from opening up, not from being introverted," he said.

With Britain currently holding the EU presidency, it was down to the UK's ambassador to the EU, Sir John Grant, and other officials to attempt to resolve the situation.

EU foreign ministers will hold emergency talks in Luxembourg on Sunday night prior to Monday's negotiations.

However, there were expectations that Austria - whose government faces tricky regional elections at the weekend, and where 80% of voters oppose Turkey's entrey into the EU - would back down.

Commentators said the country was holding up the agreement because it wanted a positive signal about the EU ambitions of its closest ally, Croatia.

Entry talks were suspended in March after the EU decided Croatia was failing to co-operate properly with the international war crimes tribunal in attempts to put Ante Gotovina, a convicted war criminal, on trial.

Reaching any deal with Austria over Turkish entry negotiations before Monday could require a new commitment from the EU over Croatia's membership chances.

The Europe minister, Douglas Alexander, today acknowledged there was a "diversity of opinion across Europe" about Turkey. He said there would be intensive discussions on Sunday and Monday as part of an effort to find a solution acceptable to all sides.

"I believe that we will be able to move forward, although there is clearly a lot of work still to be done," he added.

Speaking on the BBC Radio 4 Today programme, Mr Alexander said it was vital that the talks began. He said integrating Turkey into the EU "would help us tackle many of the most difficult problems that we face in the modern world, whether that is international crime, drug smuggling, terrorism or migration”.

GUARDIAN 30/09/05

Time to talk to Turkey

Leader
Friday September 30, 2005
The Guardian

Turkey has already waited more than 40 years to join the European mainstream, but there are still a few more tense days left before there can be certainty that its ambition will eventually be realised. The hope is that last-minute hitches will be resolved by EU foreign ministers on Sunday, allowing the accession talks to begin the following day, as promised. Since the rules require such big decisions to be agreed by all 25 member states, Austria alone has been able to block this one, demanding that instead of negotiating full membership like every other country seeking to join the club, Turkey should be offered only a "special partnership". Ankara rejects such an approach as discriminatory. So, to their credit, does everyone else, including the governments of France, the Netherlands and Germany, despite the strong anti-Turkish feeling that played a big role in the paralysing rejection of the EU constitution this summer.

Austrian opposition to Turkish membership is a toxic blend of historical prejudice and contemporary fear, of Ottoman janissaries at the gates of Vienna, of Habsburg nostalgia, and Muslim gastarbeiter flooding in from deepest Anatolia. Wolfgang Schüssel, the conservative chancellor, does not say openly that the EU is a Christian club, but has signalled that he will only back the talks if there is a parallel launch of accession negotiations with neighbouring - and Catholic - Croatia. That process has rightly been on hold because of Zagreb's failure to cooperate with the UN war crimes tribunal. If as expected, prosecutors report cooperation has improved, then it can resume.

Next Monday should be a big day, but even a positive result is unlikely to end rancour over double standards. Turkey, once plagued by military coups, torture and hyper-inflation, has met the EU's criteria for membership - democracy, the rule of law, human rights, protection of minorities, a market economy and the capacity to manage competition. Even if implementation of new laws has been patchy in Kurdish areas the very prospect of EU membership has been a powerful spur to unprecedented reform. More will take place and the country will become richer in the 10 or more years it will take to complete the negotiations. Outstanding issues over Cyprus should not block them. It is to be hoped too that calls on Turkey to recognise the Armenian genocide of 1915 will at least promote a more mature attitude to the country's past. But Turkey's secular Muslim democracy has demonstrated that it is ready to join a tolerant, multicultural Europe. Let the final deal be done and the talks commence.

THE GUARDIAN 30/09/05

 

 

Turkey furious as EU talks stall

Nicholas Watt in Brussels
Friday September 30, 2005
The Guardian

Turkey signalled its growing impatience with the EU last night by warning that its ministers would not turn up in Luxembourg for membership talks until they are sent a copy of the ground rules.

Irritated by the EU's failure to reach agreement on a framework for the talks, Turkey's foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, declared he would remain in Turkey until he is sent a copy. "Everyone knows there's no point in going to Luxembourg without seeing this document," Mr Gul said, warning warned that the talks may fail to begin as planned on Monday

Turkey furious as EU talks stall

Nicholas Watt in Brussels
Friday September 30, 2005
The Guardian

Turkey signalled its growing impatience with the EU last night by warning that its ministers would not turn up in Luxembourg for membership talks until they are sent a copy of the ground rules.

Irritated by the EU's failure to reach agreement on a framework for the talks, Turkey's foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, declared he would remain in Turkey until he is sent a copy. "Everyone knows there's no point in going to Luxembourg without seeing this document," Mr Gul said, warning warned that the talks may fail to begin as planned on Monday.

 

Mr Gul spoke out after Austria blocked an agreement on the ground rules for Turkey's membership talks in a last-ditch attempt to downgrade it to associate EU membership. At a meeting of EU ambassadors in Brussels, Austria demanded the talks should include - from the outset - "alternatives" to full EU membership.

This forced Britain, which is chairing the talks, to convene an emergency meeting of EU foreign ministers in Luxembourg on Sunday night. Britain, which is Turkey's leading champion in the EU, will be placed in the embarrassing position of telling Mr Gul on Sunday night not to board his plane until the EU sorts out its differences. "You can't ask the Turks to turn up and then tell them to hang round in the waiting room while Europe sorts out its differences," one EU diplomat said.

Turkey's irritation had been mounting all day. Earlier the prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, called on European leaders to prove they are not running an exclusively "Christian club". "If the EU is not a Christian club, this has to be proven," Mr Erdogan said during a visit to the Gulf.

There is speculation that Austria will cave in at the last minute. It may give ground if the EU is able to make encouraging noises about Croatia's EU membership talks. These were suspended in March after the EU concluded that the country was failing to co-operate properly with the international war crimes tribunal in its attempts to put on trial a convicted war criminal, Ante Gotovina.

Carla del Ponte, the tribunal's chief prosecutor, will visit Zagreb today to assess whether Croatia is cooperating. Mrs del Ponte will then report to a special taskforce of EU foreign ministers on Monday. The taskforce will then interview Croatian ministers.

Austria says there is no link between Turkey, a predominantly Muslim country, and Austria's near neighbour, Croatia. But Wolfgang Schuessel, the Austrian chancellor, accused the EU of "double standards". "If we trust Turkey to make further progress, we should trust Croatia too," Mr Schuessel told the FT. "It is in Europe's interest to start negotiations with Croatia immediately."

The chancellor also made clear that Austria wants Turkey to be offered less than full membership. "We need an alternative that would ensure that Turkey would remain bonded as strongly as possible to the EU," he said. His remarks infuriated other EU countries. "I don't think anyone is impressed by Austria's attempts to blackmail us," one source said.

But Austria's hardline stance forced Britain to convene Sunday's meeting because Austria is effectively asking the EU to rewrite the deal that European leaders offered Turkey last year. At their annual winter summit in December EU leaders raised the possibility of associate membership for Turkey but only if the talks fail after 10 to 15 years. Austria wants to turn last December's deal on its head by spelling out associate membership from the start. Britain is hoping Austria will give ground on Sunday night, either because it is encouraged by movement on Croatia or because it does not want to be in a minority of one.

Mr Erdogan pleaded with sceptics to see the benefits of admitting Turkey. "What do you gain by adding 99% Muslim Turkey to the EU?" he asked. "You gain a bridge between the EU and the 1.5bn-strong Islamic world. An alliance of civilisations will start."

THE GUARDIAN 30/09/05

 

Emergency talks to save Turkey EU entry
(Filed: 30/09/2005)

The British Government, which currently holds the EU presidency, is desperately trying to ensure talks begin on Turkish entry to the 25-member bloc next week.

 

 

 

Talks were due to begin on Monday, but a series of setbacks in the European Parliament this week threatens to keep Ankara out in the cold.

The major stumbling blocks have been parliament's insistence that Turkey recognises as genocide the death of 1.5 million Armenians during Ottoman rule in 1915.

It also says Ankara must recognise Greek Cyprus - a member of the EU.

Britain is keen for Muslim Turkey to join the 25-nation bloc, saying failure to do so will see it turn eastwards for support.

But opposition comes from Austria, France and Germany, who say the cultural differences are too extreme.

Austria, where 80 per cent of voters say they do not want Turkey in the EU club, is calling for the membership offer to be downgraded to make clear the Turks may end up with a "partnership" deal instead.

The Austrian government is facing tricky regional elections this weekend.

Officials in Brussels are also furious that the Austrian stand has been partly triggered by Vienna's efforts to advance the EU membership hopes of Croatia, Austria's close ally.

Ankara refuses to recognise the Armenian deaths as genocide, and only acknowledges Turkish Northern Cyprus. It insists on full membership talks only.

 

 

EU leaders agreed last December that Turkey - which first applied for membership more than 40 years ago - had made the necessary start on human rights, social and economic reforms to qualify for official EU membership talks to start. The date was set for October 3.

Turkish entry talks were supposed to be a high point of the British presidency of the EU and one of Tony Blair's top political priorities for Europe.

Emergency talks of EU foreign ministers will be held in Luxembourg on Sunday night, with the Turks refusing to fly in until it is assured that no new provisos are added to the entry negotiation terms.

DAILY TELEGRAPH 30/09/05

 

Austrian resistance threatens Turkey's EU bid
By Vincent Boland in Ankara and Daniel Dombey in Brussels
Published: September 30 2005 19:31 | Last updated: September 30 2005 19:31

Turkey EUTurkey's 42-year quest to join the European Union is in the balance this weekend as Austria and its EU partners engage in brinkmanship over Vienna's calls to offer Ankara less than full membership.

EU foreign ministers will meet on Sunday night to resolve the impasse, just hours before membership talks begin on Monday. Ankara has repeatedly warned that it will not begin the talks, expected to last 10 years, unless the EU offers only full membership, as it has promised in the past.

Omer Sabanci, head of the powerful Turkish business lobby, said anything less was a “red line for Turkey”. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, prime minister, called for the EU to show “honesty” in its approach.

The last-minute poker is reminiscent of last December 17, when the leaders of the EU's 25 member states approved October 3 as the start date for talks.

“The negotiations and talks are ongoing,” Wolfgang Schüssel, the Austrian chancellor, said yesterday.

In Brussels, the expectation is growing that Austria will only lift its block on beginning talks with Turkey if the EU moves towards membership negotiations with Croatia, stalled by a dispute over an alleged war criminal.

“In the end, there will have to be some kind of a link,” said an EU diplomat.

Although many governments object to deals on issues as fundamental as opening EU membership talks, they have occurred in the past most notably when Greece insisted that Cyprus join at the same time as eight ex-communist states.

A deal on Turkey and Croatia will also depend on Carla del Ponte, the United Nations' chief prosecutor for the former Yugoslavia, who has to certify Croatia's co-operation with her court.

Yesterday she said it was “disappointing” Croatia had not sent Ante Gotovina, who has been indicted for war crimes, to her Hague-based tribunal, but she has also recently indicated that the country has improved its co-operation.

Britain, which will chair the foreign ministers meeting, has sought to increase the pressure on Austria by scheduling the discussion on Turkey for Sunday night, leaving the debate on Croatia for Monday.

Abdullah Gul, Turkey's foreign minister, has also said he will not travel to Luxembourg until the EU has agreed the negotiating framework for the membership talks.

Turkey has sought to join the EU since it became an associate member in 1963, but has been rebuffed before. The current government has made extensive reforms at the request of Brussels, but public hostility to the prospect of Turkey joining the EU appears to be growing in parts of Europe.

Hasan Unal, an academic at Bilkent University in Ankara, said: “If you look at the history of EU enlargement, and leaving aside the UK, no country has stirred as much accusation, discussion and resentment among the EU public as Turkey.”

FINANCIAL TIMES

 

Austrian resistance puts Turkey's bid to join EU in the balance
By Vincent Boland in Ankara and Daniel Dombey in Brussels
Published: October 1 2005 03:00 | Last updated: October 1 2005 03:00

Turkey's 42-year quest to join the European Union is in the balance this weekend as Austria and its EU partners engage in brinkmanship over Vienna's calls to offer Ankara less than full membership.

EU foreign ministers will meet tomorrow night to resolve the impasse, just hours before membership talks begin on Monday. Ankara has repeatedly warned that it will not begin the talks, expected to last 10 years, unless the EU offers only full membership, as it has promised in the past.

Omer Sabanci, head of the powerful Turkish business lobby, said anything less was a "red line for Turkey". Recep Tayyip Erdogan, prime minister, called for the EU to show "honesty" in its approach.

The last-minute poker is reminiscent of last December 17, when the leaders of the EU's 25 member states approved October 3 as the start date for talks.

"The negotiations and talks are ongoing," Wolfgang Schüssel, the Austrian chancellor, said yesterday.

In Brussels, the expectation is growing that Austria will only lift its block on beginning talks with Turkey if the EU moves towards membership negotiations with Croatia, stalled bya dispute over an alleged war criminal.

"In the end, there will have to be some kind of a link," said an EU diplomat.

Although many governments object to deals on issues as fundamental as opening EU membership talks, they have occurred in the past - most notably when Greece insisted that Cyprus join at the same time as eight ex-communist states.

A deal on Turkey and Croatia will also depend on Carla del Ponte, the United Nations' chief prosecutor for the former Yugoslavia, who has to certify Croatia's co-operation with her court.

Yesterday she said it was "disappointing" Croatia had not sent Ante Gotovina, who has been indicted for war crimes, to her Hague-based tribunal, but she has also recently indicated that the country has improved its co-operation.

Britain, which will chair the foreign ministers meeting, has sought to increase the pressure on Austria by scheduling the discussion on Turkey for Sunday night, leaving the debate on Croatia for Monday.

Abdullah Gul, Turkey's foreign minister, has also said he will not travel to Luxembourg until the EU has agreed the negotiating framework for the membership talks.

Turkey has sought to join the EU since it became an associate member in 1963, but has been rebuffed before. The current government has made extensive reforms at the request of Brussels, but public hostility to the prospect of Turkey joining the EU appears to be growing in parts of Europe.

Hasan Unal, an academic at Bilkent University in Ankara, said: "If you look at the history of EU enlargement, and leaving aside the UK, no country has stirred as much accusation, discussion and resentment among the EU public as Turkey."

FINANCIAL TIMES

 

Talking Turkey
Published: October 1 2005 03:00 | Last updated: October 1 2005 03:00

It is no surprise that the European Union's plan to start membership talks with Turkey on Monday should be a cliff-hanger right to the end. The desultory courtship between Brussels and Ankara, over nearly 40 years, reflects the controversy surrounding Turkey's candidacy. For, if or when Turkey takes its seat in Brussels in a decade or more, it would be the Union's poorest and most populous member, with the biggest vote in the Council of Ministers. To complicate matters further, the onus on Turkey to prove its European values will be heavier than it was for previous accession candidates within the conventional boundaries of Europe

The cliff-hanger arises from Austria's insistence that, in the negotiating mandate that EU governments must agree for accession talks to open, Turkey should be offered an explicit "partnership" alternative to full membership. All 24 other EU states, and the Turks themselves, are content for the mandate to contain only a vaguely worded fall-back to create the "strongest possible bond" between Ankara and the EU if in the end full membership talks fail. Britain, desperate to chalk up the first achievement of its half-year EU presidency by launching Turkish accession talks, has called a special foreign ministers meeting tomorrow night to press Austria to back down.

Austria's behaviour is part tactical; it is holding out for parallel accession talks with its neighbour, Croatia. But it is also visceral for some Austrians who see themselves saving Europe from the Turks, as at the gates of Vienna in 1683, and certainly share an allergy to further enlargement with voters in the French and Dutch referendums.

But diluting the potential prize for Turkey would be a serious mistake. The only way the EU can exert full leverage on Turkey to reform is to keep the carrot of full membership dangled in front of it.

At the same time, however, the Turks must realise at the outset what EU full membership means. Some of them seem to be under the illusion that negotiating it is a bit like bargaining in the bazaar: haggle and then split the difference. But in accession talks EU policies and rules are largely non-negotiable; the main argument concerns only how long the applicant is given to adopt them.

In Turkey's case, it is particularly important the EU stands firm in three areas. First, Turkey must show itself a functioning democracy that upholds human rights and freedom of religion and non-belief. Ankara has taken big strides in this field recently, but still has far to go. Second, it must have a working market economy. Turkey has a decade-old customs union with the EU, but is hardly corruption-free. Third, it must settle minority and historical issues better than it has so far managed to come to terms with its Kurds and the Armenian question.

No one can now know if Turkey will make it into the EU. But Brussels has designed its mandate to ensure Turkish progress along the way. It will wait for reforms to be adopted and implemented in Turkey before closing each part of the negotiations.

This is undoubtedly a tougher approach to Turkey than to previous applicants. But the challenge is tougher; Turkey is too big for Brussels to botch its incorporation. The times, too, are tougher. At least one EU country, France, will make its final verdict on Turkish entry by referendum. And if Turkey's application has not been thoroughly tested by EU negotiators, it will not survive such a vote.

FINANCIAL TIMES

Links with Armenia reinforce French fears
By John Thornhill
Published: October 1 2005 03:00 | Last updated: October 1 2005 03:00

Every year France celebrates another country by organising bilateral visits and cultural exchanges. In 2004 it was China, and the Eiffel Tower was briefly lit up in red. This year it has been Brazil - hence the samba dancers at Paris plage.

Next year it will be Armenia. The choice of a small Caucasian country of 3m people highlights the importance France attaches to Armenia. This is mostly due to France's 450,000-strong Armenian community, which has grown increasingly rich and influential.

But the timing of Armenia Year could hardly be more discordant for President Jacques Chirac if, as expected on Monday, France and the European Union's other 24 members signal the start of accession talks with Turkey.

Armenians in France and elsewhere have been opposing Turkey's entry into the EU - unless and until Ankara acknowledges that the death of Armenians during the break-up of the Ottoman empire was an act of genocide. Armenians claim up to 1.5m people died in 1915-18. Turkey denies genocide, and admits only that hundreds of thousands of both Armenians and Turks died, largely as a result of civil war and famine.

The French parliament has already declared the massacres to have been a genocide. And Mr Chirac has himself been sympathetic to the Armenian cause.

Harout Mardirossian, president of the Paris-based Committee for the Defence of the Armenian Cause, says Turkey has been a "a country in denial" for 80 years that does not conform with the values espoused by the EU.

"How can you imagine Germany being integrated into the European Union in the 1960s if it did not recognise the Holocaust?" he says.

In spite of Mr Chirac's support for accession talks with Turkey, most of his compatriots are against the move. A recent Eurobarometer poll showed that 70 per cent of French respondents opposed Turkey's entry into the EU with only 21 per cent in favour. Opposition to Turkish entry boosted the victorious No vote during May's referendum on Europe's constitution.

Those opposed to Turkey's accession range from Islamophobic nationalists to Armenian campaigners to fervent pro-Europeans who believe the entry of such a large country would kill off the dreams of a federal EU.

Earlier this month, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, the former French president and father of the European constitution, said French voters had clearly expressed their opposition to Turkey's entry.

He noted: "There was a clear contradiction between the pursuit of European political integration and the entry of Turkey into European institutions. These two projects are incompatible."

Mr Chirac has argued that Turkey's entry into the EU would recognise a great civilisation, extend Europe's hand to the Muslim world, and help energise the EU's economy. But he has also guaranteed French voters a referendum on whether to accept Turkey's entry into the EU once accession talks are completed.

However, Sylvie Goulard, a Europe expert at Sciences-Po university, says this move deceives the French and Turks. "Resistance to Turkey's accession is not going to disappear in 15 years. Even if the Turks have successfully reformed themselves, they will still share a border with Iran and Iraq. You cannot change the nature of the EU without a proper democratic debate."

Whatever the EU leaders decide, the issue of Turkey will loom large through the 2007 presidential elections and beyond. Nicolas Sarkozy, president of the ruling UMP party and a strong presidential contender, has already stated his firm opposition to Turkey's accession. Dominique de Villepin, the prime minister and rival presidential contender, has doggedly defended Mr Chirac's line.

 

FINANCIAL TIMES

 

A bridge between two cultures, two continents and two futures

In the second of two articles arguing the case for and against EU membership, our correspondent looks at the debate to let Turkey into club Europe

 

DEEP beneath the waters of the Bosphorus, engineers are bolting Europe and Asia together with a tunnel that will connect the distinct halves of Istanbul. When it is finished, this huge underwater passage will complete road and rail links from the Highlands of Scotland to the South Caucasus.

The tunnel is more than simply an ambitious engineering project; it is a symbol of Turkey’s determination to attach itself to Europe, permanently.

On Monday — provided that an emergency meeting of the European Union’s foreign ministers on Sunday night can agree the terms — Ankara formally begins negotiations that could one day culminate in Turkey’s membership of the EU.

 

 

Turkey faces serious hurdles along the way. But for many, the prospect of drawing it into Europe is economically sensible, politically astute, and culturally just.

The extent to which Turkey has changed in the run-up to accession talks can be seen and heard on the streets of Istanbul. The great city on the cusp of two continents was always a fabulous potpourri of different worlds, starting as a Greek city seven centuries before Christ, then as Byzantium, then Roman Constantinople, and finally Muslim Istanbul.

Today, Istanbul is undergoing a fresh cultural renaissance, powered in large part by the impetus to join Europe. In the old Christian quarter of Beyoglu, now the chic centre of café culture and musical nightlife, on any night you might hear classical jazz, Greek rembetiko, or electro-Sufi, the fusion of modern sounds with the whirling music of dervish ritual.

Two new museums, the Istanbul Modern and the Pera, have opened in the last year. Property prices are spiralling and the crumbling façades of Beyoglu, abandoned in the 1950s by Jews and Greeks fearful of persecution, are being restored to their 19th-century grandeur.

In the Nisantasi area, glitzy European and American boutiques mingle with bistros and velvet-roped clubs. The handbags are Vuitton, the scent is Chanel, but the atmosphere, to this observer, is Prague in the late 1990s, a city emerging from the dreary decades of political control into the sun of European internationalism.

On cobbled Fransisk Sokak — Little France — a miniature Paris has been constructed, complete with fresh croissants, the canned voice of Edith Piaf, and red-checked tablecloths in cafés called the Ooh La La and Coup de Coeur. The effect is kitsch and bogus, but it demonstrates clearly Istanbul’s westward cultural vision. (The compliment is not necessarily returned: when Paris had the opportunity to host the “Turks” exhibition that was such a success in Britain, the offer was declined.)

In other ways one can trace the upsurge of culture in Turkey, the product of new freedoms and new investment, elements of the new mixing swiftly with the ancient, as they have always done here.

In far eastern Anatolia, a Kurdish rug salesman was bent in concentration over what I assumed to be the Koran; it turned out to be a Su Doku puzzle. My Istanbul taxi driver drove with one hand on the horn, while using Bluetooth technology to transfer a ringtone of Turkish music from his mobile to mine. We arrived at an internet café in the backstreets, with a goat tethered outside; inside the men smoked water pipes, discussed Arsenal, and surfed the web.

These are the small outward signs of a transformation in Turkish society, after the most ambitious political and economic reform programme since Kemal Atatürk forged modern, secular Turkey from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire in 1923. It is 40 years since Turkey first indicated a desire to join what was then the European Economic Community, and nearly 20 since it formally applied; but only in the past few years has the pace of reform reached revolutionary speeds.

Where regime change is being attempted in Iraq with military backing, in Turkey it is being achieved bloodlessly, with the regulatory hoops through which Turkey must jump to join the EU. As in Greece, Portugal and Spain in the 1980s, and the states of Central and Eastern Europe more recently, desire to join has proved a powerful incentive for peaceful change, a tribute to the allure of European liberal democracy and pluralism.

In the past six years, the Turkish Government, under EU pressure, has tackled issues that were once taboo, helping to transform political and civic life. Under Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Prime Minister, nine reform packages have been introduced: there is tighter civilian control of the military, state security courts have been scrapped, police abuses have been reduced, the death penalty abolished, and women’s rights strengthened (though insufficiently).

The long-running battle between government forces and the PKK, the rebel Kurdish group, has claimed an estimated 37,000 lives since 1984. The PKK recently resumed hostilities, but the level of violence is nowhere near what it once was. Largely in response to EU pressure, discrimination against the Kurdish minority has diminished. Kurds can now teach and broadcast in their own language. The eerie, delightful sound of Kurdish singing wafts up from a nightclub in Beyoglu; a few years ago, the singer would have been arrested.

The economy is still far behind what is needed for EU entry, but Turkey’s commitment to get it there is beyond doubt. After years of stagnation and periodic crises under the military, the economy is roaring (though from a low starting point): GDP is up by more than 9 per cent, one of the highest growth rates in the world, unemployment is falling, and inflation has been reduced to single digits for the first time in 30 years. Mr Erdogan has pledged to reduce inflation to 5 per cent by next year, in line with the Maastricht criteria.

Some Europeans fear an influx of cheap Turkish labour, but Turkey’s supporters point instead to a workforce that is youthful, energetic, enterprising and vast. With the EU workforce ageing and shrinking, a new generation of young Turks might be the saving of Europe, while the fast-growing Turkish population will create poten- tially huge new markets.

Bringing 70 million Muslims into the EU would send a clear message (not least to the 20 million Muslims in Europe, where racial tension is rising), offering tangible proof that a democratic, secular, moderately Islamic country is not only feasible and peaceable, but profitable. That would offer a beacon to the rest of the Muslim world, and show that the EU is not a cosy, exclusive club, but a body committed to diversity and change.

Strategically, Turkey would give Europe a border with the unstable regimes of the Middle East. For some, that is cause for fear, but having Turkey within Europe may be the best way to face up to that challenge. With Turkey inside the tent, Nato and EU interests would align more closely, and a secure eastern border would help to control the illegal westward flow of drugs and people. The knock-on effect of EU admission has already been demonstrated in Eastern Europe: where Turkey led, neighbouring Georgia would surely be the next to cast envious eyes westward.

Another reason for accelerating the accession process — one seldom openly discussed in EU circles — is the danger of applying the brakes now that Turkey is on the road. No country that has applied for membership in the past has failed to meet the criteria and gain admittance, eventually; Turkey is the largest and most strategically important country to apply, and whenever new conditions have been set for starting negotiations, Turkey has met them.

If Europe were now to reject Turkey, this would certainly be seen by Turks as cultural, religious and racial discrimination, and a rank betrayal. The reformers would be undermined, perhaps ushering in the very Islamic fundamentalism many Europeans fear. The 1990s were, for Turkey, a lost decade, marred by military-style authoritarianism, secular-Islamic polarisation and economic crisis. It would not take much to turn the clock back.

This negative argument may be Turkey’s trump card: the belief that the EU, after holding Turkey at arm’s length for 40 years, dare not turn away now. On the eve of opening negotiations, Mr Erdogan was blunt: “If the EU is not a Christian club, it should prove it . . . By doing so, the EU could build a bridge with the 1.5billion Muslims of the world.”

The building of that bridge, like the building of the Bosphorus tunnel, is a complex and demanding task, likely to involve intense frustration over many years. Both projects have already run into historical problems: the tunnel engineers recently had to stop digging after they came across a 600-year-old Byzantine water cistern; supporters of Turkish admission to the EU must overcome centuries of antagonism between European and Turk, Christian and Muslim. Doubtless other obstacles will be dug up in the future.

The membership rules of this particular club are strict, detailed and, at 80,000 pages, voluminous. But Turkey is no stranger to bureaucratic small print. The recent construction of a marina on the Aegean coast required an estimated 12,000 official signatures; the tunnel project will require many more than that, before it links Europe and Asia across the Bosphorus. On Monday, Turkey and the EU will sign a document to begin talks on accession, the first of perhaps a decade of signatures that could eventually bring Turkey into the EU club, and change that club entirely.

Perhaps the greatest potential benefit would be to undermine the belief that Europe and Asia cannot and should not be linked. A European Turkey, say the backers of Ankara’s effort, would show that there is nothing inevitable about a “clash of civilisations” between Islam and Christianity, between Western and Eastern values.

On the contrary, the melding of cultures might just evolve into a Europe that is more rich, robust and varied, like the extraordinary musical medley blowing through the night streets of Istanbul.

THE TIMES 01/10/2005

 

So, what have the Turks ever done for us?

On the eve of crisis talks over Turkey's bid to join the EU, here is why Europe should embrace its Muslim neighbour

Published: 01 October 2005

Multiculturalism

Though its rulers became Muslims, the Ottoman empire was home to Christians, Jews and Buddhists co-existing in peace and prosperity with Muslims from Anatolia to Algeria, centuries before the word multiculturalism was thought of. No other partner offers the West a better bridge to Islam or a more promising exit from the clash of civilisations.

Trade

Sitting astride the most strategic crossroads in Asia, the Ottomans, with their ships and caravans, achieved domination of the silk road and taught the West everything it knew about trade before the advent of ocean-going ships. Today, it offers a huge market and unrivalled connections to the resources of the Caspian and the Middle East.

Politics

A genius for statecraft took a band of nomads from the barren steppe of central Asia to the gates of Vienna. The pioneers of a disciplined bureaucracy and inventors of a standing army, they awed their enemies and seduced the Christian peasants meant to fight them, who could see a better life under the Ottomans.

Art

Turkey has brought us some of the finest works from calligraphy and metalwork to illuminated manuscripts and glass. Chinese pottery, Persian textiles and Venetian painting all flourished at Turkey's imperial court. It was that openness and synthesis that powered a humanist enlightenment centuries ahead of Europe's.

Military know-how

Known as the "storm on horseback" the heirs to Genghis Khan brought their cavalry sweeping across the plains of Anatolia into the Balkans and beyond. Their enemies only matched them with the advent of sea power and by copying their techniques. Today's Turkey, a Nato stalwart, lends credibility to the notion of a European defence force.

Style

They sat on divans on beautiful carpets, smoking hookahs and eating lakoum (Turkish delight). Their tired bodies were steamed back to harmony in ornate baths. Ottoman luxury was a fascinating scandal to the hardy puritans of northern Europe. Now we've learnt to lounge, and oriental comforts are part of our lives.

THE INDEPENDENT 01/10/2005

 

Turkey's talks with EU blocked

By Stephen Castle in Brussels

Published: 01 October 2005

Britain was locked in frantic last-ditch diplomacy last night to avert the collapse of plans to start European Union membership talks with Turkey.

With Austria stubbornly refusing to give the green light for the historic negotiations, one senior EU diplomat said there was no more than a 50 per cent chance of them starting on Monday as scheduled.

The deadlock is the biggest challenge yet faced in Britain's presidency of the EU.

The UK strongly backs moves to start negotiating with Ankara, which has been knocking on Europe's door for four decades, and all EU governments last year agreed to go ahead with talks. But since then referendum "no" votes on the constitution in France and the Netherlands have hardened opinion against Turkish accession.

EU foreign ministers will hold an emergency session to try to break the deadlock tomorrow evening. But so unpredictable is the outcome that the UK presidency has rescheduled the planned start of talks with Turkey for late afternoon on Monday so that the Turkish Foreign Minister need not leave Ankara until he knows the negotiations will definitely go ahead.

Yesterday, Tony Blair told Turkey's Hurriyet newspaper: "I sincerely believe that EU membership is Turkey's future. We shall work towards achieving that. How quickly Turkey's EU train reaches its destination will depend on how fast Ankara can make changes."

Most diplomats have assumed that, since it is isolated, Vienna will back down. But one EU diplomat said: "We are still assuming there will be a solution on Sunday, but I would only give it a 50-50 chance."

In Austria, which has regional elections tomorrow, none of the main political parties backs Turkish membership of the EU, and the Austrian Chancellor, Wolfgang Schüssel, has enjoyed a positive domestic press for his stance.

Ursula Plassnik, Austria's Foreign Minister, said her concerns as to "whether the European Union is ready and capable to accept Turkey as a full member, whether all implications of full membership have been sufficiently examined", are shared "all over Europe". She said that Austria is proposing "an option in case membership does not work out", adding that full membership is possible "one day - if Turkey fulfils the requirements and if the European Union is also in a position to absorb Turkey".

With its mainly Muslim population of 70 million, many of whom live in relative poverty, integration of Turkey within the EU would pose an unparalleled task. Its supporters argue that to reject Turkey would send a negative message to the Muslim world. Austria wants to change the language of the negotiating mandate for the talks and, according to diplomats, to remove a reference to accession as the objective. Its preference is to make it clear that the talks could lead to a lesser form of "privileged partnership".

Ankara has made it clear it will walk away from the negotiations if the possibility of second-class status is included in the text. Already the mandate for talks, expected to last a decade, are the toughest ever laid down for an enlargement and stress that negotiation are "open-ended".

Austria, meanwhile, is pressing for the start of EU membership talks with Croatia. These have been put on hold pending a verdict on whether Zagreb has achieved full co-operation with the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague.

Carla Del Ponte, its chief prosecutor, arrived in Croatia yesterday to renew pressure on authorities to arrest and extradite a top war crimes suspect, Ante Gotovina, who she says is hiding in the country. She will make a recommendation to the EU after her visit, and is likely to conclude that co-operation is improving.

Many diplomats believe Austrian opposition on Turkey could be bought off by a giving Croatia a date to start talks, although that idea was played down yesterday by the UK presidency.

THE INDEPENDENT 01/10/2005

 

Analysis: Turkey - on Europe's doorstep, but still so far from joining the club

By Peter Popham

Published: 01 October 2005

Joining the European Union is the great Turkish dream.

However distant the goal, however bitter many Turks may feel about the disdain in which their country has been held since it first applied 40 years ago, that dream has endured.

Membership could transform the economy of this still impoverished nation. The process of qualifying for membership has already changed much in the country and will change more before it's over.

Even if the diplomatic waters can be smoothed for negotiations to begin on Monday, it will be at least 10 years before the 70 million-strong, predominantly Muslim nation becomes one of us: a fully-fledged member of the EU.

Like the accession of any new member, the arrival of Turkey on Europe's doorstep is all about economics, trade, social reform, democracy, criminal justice, media freedom - everything that constitutes a modern state.

Many of these factors are already in Turkey's favour: it is in many ways far better prepared for membership than the former Warsaw Pact countries. It was on our side of the Iron Curtain for all those years. It is a key member of Nato.

It has had a customs union with the EU since 1996: trade in goods has already been liberalised, and more than half of Turkey's trade is already with the EU. It has already adopted many EU rules, such as those regarding intellectual property and competition. There is no wholesale privatisation that must be undertaken. The democratic system is looking increasingly stable and mature. The death sentence has been abolished.

But uniquely in the case of Turkey, membership is not just about the nuts and bolts of belonging to the EU. It is also a profoundly moral issue, for both sides. Whether we admire or despise the EU we don't often think about it in moral terms. But with Turkey, the moral questions cannot be dodged.

One week ago, a group of scholars in Istanbul braved the eggs and rotten tomatoes of protesters to attend an extraordinary conference. They were there to discuss the murder of 1.5 million Armenians in the dying years of the Ottoman empire.

Raising this subject has been taboo in Turkey ever since. It is as if Germany had risen again after the Second World War with no public admission, ever, of how the Nazis murdered six million Jews, and as if they had lived and prospered in denial for the best part of a century. But despite hitches, threats, two cancellations by judges and all-round hysteria, Turkey last Saturday finally got round to discussing "the first genocide of the 20th century".

Orhan Pamuk, the celebrated Turkish novelist, told a Swiss newspaper earlier this year: "Almost no one dares speak about these things but me." To his country's lasting shame, he is to go on trial in December for mentioning what Turkey did to the Armenians and the Kurds. But now at least he is not quite so alone.

The conference was the work of the EU. "This is a fight of 'can we discuss this thing, or can we not discuss this thing?'" a member of the organising committee said at the start of the conference. Well, the discussion finally went ahead. It was the EU's - and Turkey's - finest hour for some time.

The question posed at last week's conference was: "Is this country forged out of the Ottoman empire's ashes less than a century ago mature enough to admit the ugly stains in its history and move forward?"

If it's not, the EU's door will undoubtedly be slammed on it. But if it can find those inner resources, the dream of Ataturk may finally be realised.

Turkey, whose inhabitants down the centuries were masters of empires as far-flung as the Mogul empire in India, the Safavids in Iran and the Mamelukes if Egypt, can become a modern secular state to compare with any in the West. For Europe the moral dimension is even greater - intimidatingly large for many. How big is Europe, in its heart and soul? Is it a cosy, well-heeled, Christian, white man's club, devoted, through things like the Common Agricultural Policy, to keeping happy those who are already fat; keeping the Old Continent looking picture-postcard perfect, while accepting with ever worse grace a fraction of the huddled masses battering at the door? If that's what Europe is, it is obviously doomed, as all the latest demographics make clear. It's on the way out, as obviously and miserably as was the South Africa of apartheid.

Or does it have the courage and the wit to avoid that fate? Most of Turkey will never be European the way Vienna, Paris and Prague are European. But Seville, Palermo and Venice are also European cities; and in all of them, Christian and Islamic strands are interwoven just as in Istanbul.

The identities of Europe and Islam are the products of more than a millennium of bitter conflict. But Britain and France were enemies for centuries as well: the European project is all about banishing war and the threat of war.

Never before has a huge Islamic nation asked for Europe's recognition the way Turkey has been asking these past decades. Turkey is the peaceful bridge to Islam of which the West is in desperate need.

Sticking points in Turkey's progress towards full EU membership

Turkey's status

Austria wants Turkey to negotiate "privileged partnership" instead of full EU membership as advocated by the rest of the EU. Turkey has warned it will not accept "second class" status.

Croatia

The Balkan state has become a bargaining chip in negotiations. Austria wants talks on Croatian accession to begin immediately, but issue is linked to co-operation with the war crimes tribunal.

Muslim issue

Austria isolated in opposing entry of a Muslim nation to the "Christian" EU after France switched position to ally itself with UK and Germany, which favour embracing Turkey.

THE INDEPENDENT 01/10/2005

 

EU warns Austria on Turks

Nicholas Watt in Brussels
Saturday October 1, 2005
The Guardian

Austria will be given a blunt warning tomorrow that it will be blamed for rupturing 40 years of relations between the European Union and Turkey if it scuppers membership talks. In a sign of widespread irritation with Vienna, which wants to downgrade Turkey's links with the EU, Britain's foreign secretary, Jack Straw, has summoned his Austrian counterpart for a one-to-one meeting tomorrow night.

As EU foreign ministers arrive in Luxembourg for emergency talks, Mr Straw will warn Ursula Plassnik that Vienna's demands would prompt the Turks to throw in the towel. Austria was isolated 24-1 at a meeting of EU ambassadors in Brussels on Thursday after it demanded a clear indication that the talks would be open-ended; an undertaking that membership would depend on the EU's ability to absorb such a large country; and a warning from the outset of talks that Turkey may be offered an "alternative" to full membership.

Vienna wants to delete a reference from a deal agreed last December by EU leaders that Europe's "shared objective" is to offer full membership. Its stance forced EU foreign ministers to schedule emergency talks tomorrow night to try to agree on a framework for the membership talks. One diplomat said: "Every Austrian suggestion centres on the points that ensured Turkey didn't walk away last December. Change that wording and they'll probably walk."

Britain, which is chairing the talks, made it clear that it was determined to ensure membership talks started as scheduled on Monday. Tony Blair, who wants the process to be well under way by the time Austria assumes the presidency of the EU in January, told the Turkish newspaper Hurriyet: "I sincerely believe that EU membership is Turkey's future."

But the Austrians are digging in their heels. Ms Plassnik told the Associated Press news agency that Vienna had a "reasonable and moderate position" because it was merely echoing the fears of European voters about Turkish membership. "We should listen to the concerns voiced by so many people across Europe.

Britain hopes that Austria will climb down when it considers the consequences of being isolated on one of the biggest strategic decisions in the EU's history.

Vienna's task may also be made easier if ministers are able to give positive signals to Croatia about its EU membership talks. These were suspended in March after Carla del Ponte, the chief prosecutor of the international war crimes tribunal, ruled that Zagreb was failing to help track down an indicted war criminal, General Ante Gotovina. The EU made the question of cooperation with the tribunal in The Hague a condition for starting entry talks.

Mrs del Ponte said last night she was disappointed that Croatia's top war crimes suspect remained at large. "We have always [the] same problem, Gotovina is still at large," she said.

The EU foreign ministers are due to discuss Turkey over dinner tomorrow night. The timing of the talks in Luxembourg may make a Croatia-for-Turkey deal difficult, as Mrs del Ponte is only due to deliver her assessment of Croatia's performance to a special taskforce of EU ministers on Monday. But Austria is a member of the taskforce, so should have a strong idea of her thoughts by the time the Turkey talks take place on Sunday.

Mrs del Ponte's remarks may not dash Croatia's hopes, because Zagreb does not have to hand over Gotovina, but merely has to offer her full cooperation.


GUARDIAN 01/10/2005

 

Yet another obstacle to Turkey's EU plans
(Filed: 01/10/2005)

Poor Turkey. Its hopes of opening membership talks with the EU, entertained at least since it signed an association agreement in 1963, have, at the eleventh hour, received yet another blow.

Claiming to speak for a wide swath of opinion within the union, Austria is demanding that talks between Brussels and Ankara should open next Monday only if a clear alternative to membership is offered. Britain, which holds the EU presidency, has called an emergency meeting of foreign ministers in Luxembourg tomorrow in a last-ditch attempt to reach consensus on a negotiating mandate.

Last December, an EU summit concluded that Turkey had carried out sufficient reform to qualify for membership talks. Since then, however, Ankara's prospects have darkened: France and Holland have rejected the EU constitution, and Angela Merkel, who favours a "privileged partnership" over membership, has emerged as frontrunner to be Germany's next chancellor. The reservations of Austria, where Ankara's EU ambitions are widely unpopular, come on the eve of a Land election in Styria.

It falls to Britain, a long-time advocate of Turkish membership, to deal with the latest impediment to the promise made last December and reaffirmed in June. The Austrians are hinting that acquiescence over Turkey is conditional on restarting membership talks with Croatia. But these depend on Zagreb's co-operation with the international war crimes tribunal in the Hague, in particular bringing to justice the indicted Croatian general Ante Gotovina. While a deal with Vienna over Croatia cannot be ruled out, it would run into strong opposition from Holland and Sweden if the tribunal's chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, fails to give Zagreb a clean bill of health.

Burdening Ankara with specious new obligations, a divided Europe is seeking to backtrack on a solemn undertaking. The Turks might be best advised to keep their distance from such an organisation, opting for something less than membership that would nevertheless allow them to exploit their competitive edge in the world's largest single market. But they have long set their hearts on full integration and, having co-operated with the EU over internal reform and the partitioned island of Cyprus, do not deserve to be thwarted at the last moment.

The EU has a strategic choice. Either it patiently works at absorbing a large, Muslim country over the next 10 to 20 years, or it turns it away. The first promises a unique bridge between the West and the Islamic world. The second risks converting a well-intentioned but proud applicant into a radical foe.

Daily Telegraph 01/10/2005